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How the Federal Government & Big Media Collude in the Deep State

Denny Hastert and the D.C. Swamp


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By —— Bio and Archives June 21, 2017

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Since Donald Trump introduced "The Swamp," it' become American slang for the corrupt and secretive underbelly of the Washington, D.C. Deep State. One Swamp secret is the whole truth of Denny Hastert' life as a pederast. And, we are unlikely to ever know it--the whole truth. John Dennis Hastert (DOB: January 2, 1942) quit his high school teaching and coaching position in Yorkville, Illinois, held from 1965-1981, to become a politician. Eventually, from 1999-2007, he was the longest-serving Republican Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives in American history. His story will end with the unstated assumption that, after being a practicing pederast from at least 1968-1981, Hastert abandoned his deviant sexual proclivities and focused on becoming an honest and loyal servant of the people of his state and nation.
After he leaves prison sometime this summer, and his case file is closed, Hastert' story will vanish from the news with many questions unasked, and unanswered. That' how the U.S. Department of Justice (DoJ) wanted his story to end from its beginning. And, to help shape a narrative arc that led to that outcome, it used two, large, print-media outlets--the New York Times and the Chicago Tribune. What follows will focus on highlights of the collusion between the government and the two newspapers. It is, by no means, the entire Hastert story. Not even close. But it is an illustration of how the federal government and big media collude to shape the news.

The bombshell indictment lands

On May 28, 2015, the Special February 2014 Grand Jury of the United States District Court, Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division, indicted Hastert "with making cash withdrawals in a manner intended to avoid detection by bank officials -- an illegal practice known as structuring -- then lying about the purpose of the withdrawals to the federal authorities." (Here is a later summary of the government' complete case.) Hastert was caught lying about why he withdrew over $1,700,000 dollars from his bank account--initially in $50,000-100,000 increments. Then later, in order to stay under banking law radar, Hastert shifted to withdrawing increments of less than $10,000. The indictment told how Hastert gave $1.7 million, in numerous payments during 2010-2014, to an unnamed "Individual A" in fulfillment of a $3,500,000 commitment he made, back in 2010, to Individual A "to compensate for and conceal his [Hastert'] prior misconduct against Individual A." Those are words critical to understanding how the story was spun. (Here and below, highlighting is added to quotes for attention emphasis.) "Misconduct" is not defined in the indictment. And, the words "blackmail" and "extortion" are not mentioned. That was no accidental omission. The definition of "misconduct" lasted less than a full day; it was leaked to the New York Times.

Details of F.B.I. Investigation leaked to the media

May 29, 2015: The New York Times (NYT) reported that:
"J. Dennis Hastert, who served for eight years as speaker of the House of Representatives, was paying a former student hundreds of thousands of dollars to not say publicly that Mr. Hastert had sexually abused him decades ago, according to two people briefed on the evidence uncovered in an F.B.I. investigation."
The NYT story continued:
"The former student -- who was not identified in court papers -- told the F.B.I. that he had been inappropriately touched by Mr. Hastert when the former speaker was a high school teacher and wrestling coach, the two people said Friday. The people briefed on the investigation spoke on the condition of anonymity because they did not want to be identified discussing a federal investigation."
The list of the most likely "two people" to have been "briefed" on the investigation, and then to have conveyed the briefing content to the Times, begins with then U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch, and then Director of the F.B.I. James B. Comey. Clearly, the original leak came from within federal law enforcement--perhaps from within the U.S. Attorney' office in Chicago. Leaks to the media have come from there in the past. The pattern of leakage to the media would continue throughout the Hastert saga. After this initial example in the NYT, the preferred conduit for leaks would become the pages of one of the two main daily newspapers in Chicago--the Chicago Tribune. The Tribune has a history of taking direction from the Chicago office of the U.S. Attorney (USA) for the Northern District of Illinois. For example, during the investigation, arrest and prosecution of former Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich, the Tribune disseminated leaks from the Chicago USA' office. Those leaks helped shape the "Blago" narrative and determine his fate. He remains in prison.


Media supports a narrative ignoring blackmail and obstruction of justice

April 8, 2016: After Hastert pled guilty to the structuring violation related to his cash withdrawals, the Government' Position Paper As To Sentencing Factors summarized the case against Hastert in 26 pages. The first paragraph included these words:
"Defendant acknowledged in his plea agreement that he 'told agents that he was keeping the cash he had been withdrawing in a safe place. [Defendant] made these statements to mislead the agents as to the actual purpose of the withdrawals and what he had done with the money.'"
Clearly, Hastert lied to federal investigators. That act alone carries a potential sentence of five years imprisonment. But Denny was never charged for that crime. In paragraph 2, investigators identified the purpose for which Hastert used the money.
"The actual purpose of the withdrawals was to pay an agreed-upon total of $3.5 million to compensate Individual A for sexual abuse of Individual A committed by defendant when Individual A was 14 years old and defendant was his wrestling coach."
So, the investigators concluded that the "agreed-up" $3.5 million was compensatory payment for damages to an offended party. The word "blackmail" was not mentioned. But Hastert has never publicly retracted his claim to having been the victim of extortion, or blackmail, by Individual A. Page 7 of the Government' Position... states,
"On February 27, 2015, law enforcement interviewed defendant pursuant to a proffer agreement with the government and, consistent with his attorney' description, defendant alleged that he had been making cash payments to Individual A as a result of an extortion plot.3"
Footnote 3 above reads:
"The proffer agreement required defendant to tell the truth. Despite the fact that the government has determined that defendant was not truthful during the proffer, the government is not seeking to utilize the information provided during the proffer in aggravation of defendant' sentence."
This was Hastert' Get-Out-Of-Jail card for obstruction of justice--issued before he'd even been indicted. The prosecutors told Hastert what the "truth" was; sounds like Hastert and the prosecutors came to an understanding. The investigators indicated that they had reached the conclusion that Individual A was not a blackmailer/extortionist based on Individual A' demeanor observed in staged, recorded telephone conversations, held on March 2, 2015, between Hastert and Individual A. Here were their observations:
"Individual A' tone and comments during the recorded conversation were inconsistent with someone committing extortion. Instead of objecting to defendant' request, for example, Individual A expressed understanding for defendant' supposed need for more time to come up with the money. Individual A did not make any threats, implicit or explicit, nor did he seem angry that defendant was asking for more time to get the money." (p. 8)
In a second recorded call on March 22, 2015, investigators heard the same "tone" used in Individual' comments wherein "Individual A did not say anything that could be construed as a threat." (p. 9) The lesson going forward here for extortionists is: When speaking with blackmail targets on the phone, it' wise to be nice--you might be recorded. On February 23, 2017, the Tribune reiterated the narrative that Individual A was not a blackmailer, and reported that Hastert had "retracted" that claim against Individual A. The context of that report came in an article that reviewed an exchange of dueling civil law suits between Hastert and Individual A (AKA: James Doe), reminiscent of Abbot and Costello' Who' on First skit. James Doe (AKA: Individual A) filed a breach-of-contract law suit against Hastert in The Circuit Court For The Twenty-Third Judicial District, Kendall County, Illinois wherein James Doe claimed he was entitled to receive the remainder of the original $3,500,000 ($1,800,000 due) that Hastert agreed to pay him to remain silent. Hastert was the first to disclose the secret agreement, thereby breaching their verbal contract. Hastert' suit claimed that the money was not owed to James Doe because James Doe had violated his agreement to remain silent. Therefore, Hastert was entitled to be paid back his $1.7 million in payments. According to the Tribune,
"Kristi Browne, the victim's [Individual A] attorney, said in her recent court filing: 'Hastert engaged in illegal conduct by failing to make proper disclosures in connection with withdrawing funds from his bank accounts in violation of banking law, rendering himself and the agreement between the parties the subject of a federal investigation. Hastert was the first to disclose his agreement to pay Mr. Doe to federal officials, but falsely accused Mr. Doe of extortion, an accusation he has since retracted.'"
A journalistic investigator for a Chicago-based website attempted to fact-check the Tribune' claim of Hastert' retraction. When the Tribune reporter, Christy Gutowski, failed to respond to his email inquiry, the investigator phoned Gutowski. In that telephone exchange, Gutowski "refused to answer any questions and stated: 'You will have to speak to my editor, I am just a reporter' before abruptly hanging up." Oh, just a reporter. Why was it important, to both the federal investigators and the Tribune, that Individual A not be classified as a blackmailer or extortionist? More on that ahead.

The Tribune helps the Government hide Individual A' identity

During the Hastert saga, the Tribune has maintained its policy of not revealing the identity of Individual A because he--gender has never been disputed--was a victim. But he was not an extortionist; he was paid compensatory monies, not blackmail money. The assumption, implied by both the paper and the Department of Justice, is that a victim of a crime cannot, also, be an extortionist. Meanwhile, the Tribune knew the identity of Individual A since February 2016. Christy Gutowski, the Tribune reporter instrumental in the search for Individual A' identity, appeared as a guest on a Chicago television channel where she was interviewed by a well-known Chicago print and television reporter, Carol Marin. View the April 11, 2016, interview here from 10:31-22:00. You'll hear Gutowski' account of how she, and a team of Tribune investigative reporters, put "boots to the ground"--one of two ways, she said, to break a story, with the other way being a "source"--in order to identify Individual A. Unable to confirm the person suspected of being Individual A, Gutowski asked for help from Tribune reporter Jeff Coen. Coen has a history of being able to access inside information from within the U.S. Attorney' office in Chicago. Coen and Tribune reporter John Chase were the USA' chosen conduits for leaking information concerning the government' investigation targeting former Illinois Governor, and now prison inmate, Rod Blagojevich. It took Coen "less than twenty-four hours" to confirm Gutowski' suspicion. That, obviously, wasn't time for a new "boots on the ground" operation, so, apparently, Coen tapped a "source." In an April 7, 2016, article that Gutowski and Coen co-authored, they wrote, "The sources confirmed Individual A's identity to the Tribune." Oh, multiple leakers! At the same time the Tribune withheld Individual A' identity, it dropped multiple hints in that same April 7, 2016, article entitled "Dennis Hastert accused of sexual abuse by at least 4, sources." Here are the hints referring to Individual:

  • "talented and popular student athlete from a well known family...college graduate;"
  • "a relative of one of the retired congressman's friends;"
  • "middle-aged husband and father...His wife acknowledged that her husband was a 'victim';"
  • "went on to work various jobs as he and his wife raised their family but fell deeper into debt...had significant financial problems;"
  • "returned to his original profession, but he continued to struggle...pleaded guilty to misdemeanor drunken driving and was placed on 12 months of court supervision,"
  • "By March 2010, Individual A was on leave from his job for an undisclosed medical issue...exhausted all of his paid time off by the end of the year and was terminated in 2011 after never coming back to work;"
  • "In April 2014, a sheriff's deputy ... after midnight found Individual A parked in his van on the side of the road. A window was broken...search of the van, the deputies said they found three white envelopes containing stacks of $100 bills...totaled $24,400... Asked why he had so much cash, Individual A said he was planning to sell one boat and buy another...police found marijuana and related paraphernalia, and he was placed on court supervision for the misdemeanors, the police report said [Tribune reporters did not reveal that the event occurred in Wisconsin, leaving readers to assume it was Illinois];"
  • "told authorities his only sources of income were disability payments and his wife's earnings."
In short, the article served up nearly every descriptive detail except Individual A' social security number. In another article, dated April 28, 2016, Coen, Gutowski, and a third Tribune reporter added another clue to Individual A' profile:
"Reporters also tracked down Individual A in February. He declined comment, but his wife acknowledged her husband is a victim. It is he who Hastert paid nearly half of an agreed $3.5 million in exchange for his silence about past misconduct."
So it seems Individual A' wife didn't buy the compensatory payments narrative. There' also a visual clue (below) inserted in the April 7, 2016, article--a picture of Hastert and his wife at a restaurant with a "family friend." This friend was, also, the parent of three of Hastert' wrestlers in Yorkville. Bob Williams, a long-time close friend of Hastert, fathered a son who fits the Tribune' description of Individual A.
Why is this picture included in this article? As Hastert' sentencing hearing approached, did the prosecutors use the Tribune to send a message to Hastert, and to his attorneys, that the Hastert camp should abandon its contention that Hastert was blackmailed by Individual A? A line in a June 9, 2015, Tribune Editorial Board article, 12 days after Hastert was indicted on May 28, reads:
"Burdge [sister of the earliest confirmed Hastert victim, Steve Reinboldt, who died of AIDSA in 1995] believes there are others [victims] who could help fill in the blanks in the [Hastert] story. Prosecutors could be hoping Hastert will accept a plea bargain to keep that from happening -- or to keep Individual A from explaining things, willingly or not, on the witness stand."
Why would the federal prosecutors not want Individual A "explaining things" in open court? What "things" concerned the prosecutors? Did "prosecutors" use the Tribune to control the narrative to a conclusion that went no further than Hastert' conviction for structuring, and his subsequent short prison sentence? If Individual A had been publically identified, the credibility of the compensatory payment storyline, versus the more logical blackmail explanation, would have fallen apart due to public scrutiny generated by the outing of Individual A' identity. Once "A" is known, the exploration into his background would begin in earnest, and things could get worse for Hastert. In an April 27, 2016, tweet, nearly one year after Hastert' indictment, Tribune reporter Gutowski confirmed that it was the prosecutor' wish that Individual A never testifying in court.

Conclusion

There is more known to tell in the Hastert story. But not here. Here our focus was--How the Federal Government & Big Media Collude in the Deep State. And much remains unknown about his story. He swam in the D.C. Swamp for two decades, from 1987-2007. As the third highest ranking official in the Federal Government, he had access to highly classified information. He had, by 1987, committed multiple "misbehaviors" that would have, if known to others, made him an easy target for blackmail. This question requires asking: Did Hastert, as Speaker of the House, continue to enhance his pederast resume? The Tribune' Editorial Board called it early-on in their editorial released soon after Hastert' indictment.
"Yes, it's possible all this will be adjudicated without the underlying mystery -- the real story of Dennis Hastert -- coming out."
That' not just possible, but likely, particularly with a compromised news media hesitant to tell the whole truth.

Update: Recent Unexpected Development

On May 27, 2017, KendallCountyNOW reported a new allegation of sexual abuse by Hastert. The accusation was reported by the victim to the Kendall County Sheriff' office on May 12, 2016--a year earlier.
"YORKVILLE --Another former Yorkville student has filed a lawsuit against former U.S. House Speaker Dennis Hastert, as well as Yorkville School District 115, detailing allegations of a rape that occurred in the 1970s. The alleged victim, named Richard Doe in the lawsuit that was filed Friday in Kendall County Circuit Court, states in his lawsuit that Hastert sodomized him in a bathroom when the victim was in fourth grade, and that the county state' attorney at the time threatened him with criminal charges upon hearing the story years later."
The victim' statement graphically describes how he alleges he was sexually assaulted by Hastert when he was 10 years old. This alleged victim has a name. Eric Peter Keller. The Swamp is ugly, dark and deep, with many secrets it must keep, the road to truth is very steep, the road to truth is very steep. (Hat tip, Robert Frost, Poet) This article was written with research assistance from the staff of the Chicago-based website IllinoisPayToPlay


Lee Cary -- Bio and Archives | Comments

Since November 2007, Lee Cary has written hundreds of articles for several websites including the American Thinker, and Breitbart’s Big Journalism and Big Government (as “Archy Cary”).  and the Canada Free Press. Cary’s work was quoted on national television (Sean Hannity) and on nationally syndicated radio (Rush Limbaugh, Mark Levin). His articles have posted on the aggregate sites Drudge Report, Whatfinger, Lucianne, Free Republic, and Real Clear Politics.  He holds a Doctorate in Theology from Garrett Theological Seminary in Evanston, IL, is a veteran of the US Army Military Intelligence in Vietnam, and lives in Texas.


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