Together with our traveling companions we have come a long way on our trip through time to reach these last scenes of our adventure. Through our mind’s eye we will soon witness the climatic battle of the Plains of Abraham.
True, we had to give up some dramatic and meaningful side-trips in the interest of having our tale arrive at its destination on schedule but do make sure you stay with us. It is my intention to offer a new and exciting set of adventures leading to the surrender of Montreal on September 8, 1760, almost exactly a year away. We will also visit some of the side-trip destinations we had to by-pass.
For the new reader who has just discovered the fantastic journey we began last March, we recommend that you request the first eight chapters of our story. For those adventurers who have missed or lost a chapter or wish to have your friends, relatives, schools, libraries, media or governments receive our series, please contact Canada Free Press at:
letters@canadafreepress.com and they will make sure you or they are brought up to date.
The Doldrums of summer – The Armies and their Leaders
The British Camp and Wolfe
August of 1749 was unbearably hot. Flies in the day and mosquitoes at night swarmed about the British camps. Although the burnings of the habitant’s villages produced plenty of confiscated beef and other produce, many of the soldiers were suffering from malnutrition and scurvy because priority was given to the many sick and wounded lying in the hospital tents. Most ate horsemeat or bread and cheese.
Some of the British officers were angry at the futility and loss at the Montmorency fiasco and they blamed Wolfe. He in frustration blamed their slowness in mobilizing and getting their bulk of their attacking force over to the Beauport shore from the Island of Orleans and the precipitous charge across the river without waiting for the main forces. However, he Wolfe knew full well that he was fully responsible as their commander and in an attempt to mend fences apologized. The apology healed some wounded egos but others prepared their critical reports to parliament should the Quebec operations fail.
The lower ranks were bored, and tired of their confinement to camp. Few liked their search and destroy missions and some deserted and fled to Quebec, though Quebec was no better off being short of food and much of their town in ruins. Most toughed it out however, having confidence in Wolfe; feeling that if he survived his illness he would lead them out of the mess they were in or if he unfortunately died, the campaign would end.
The French and Montcalm
The French knew that Wolfe was ill but when they heard that he had confined himself to bed and was perhaps dying it raised some hope that if “the General” died perhaps the British would withdraw. Quebec itself was short of food and under constant bombardment. The scorched earth policy of the British had sent many refugees to the town for help and sustenance but there was not enough to keep everybody healthy. They were surrounded by enemies, their health was failing and morale was deteriorating.
Montcalm also had problems. His strategy of defense was beginning to break down. He received a report that Brigadier General Jeffery Amherst had taken Fort Ticonderoga. Amherst was leading another British army, including a large contingent of Indians north through the Champlain River and lakes system to assist Wolfe. Montcalm realized that if they cut his supply line to Montreal, Quebec would be isolated and all would be lost.
As we learned in our previous episode, Montcalm had already moved 800 of his men from the defense of Quebec to block the route from Lake Ontario when he heard that Fort Niagara had fallen. The capture of that fort had released a third British and Indian army.
His defenses were now threatened from the east, the south and the west. He knew he did not have sufficient troops, ammunition or supplies to withstand such a massive siege should his foes arrive in late August or early September. No wonder Montcalm was also complaining of not being well, “My health is going to pieces,” he had written.
Fortunately for Montcalm, Amherst was an overly cautious General and rather than pushing on from Ticonderoga, stopped to build sufficient vessels to carry his troops up the lakes and built forts designed to be permanent for future use. He had orders from Sir William Pitt, the Prime Minister, to “make an interruption into Canada with the utmost vigor and dispatch,” but apparently once in the field British generals were given the latitude to interpret orders as they wished. But why would he have stalled in this way?
Note: Gordon Donaldson, one of the excellent sources for this episode (see Bibliography) even suggests that Amherst, being a very canny man, wanted Wolfe to fail at Quebec so that he would be the eventual victor after the imperious Wolfe had spent himself. Who can really say why? All through history overly cautious generals have failed to seize the moment for no good reason and lost the battle.
Wolfe and his Generals Consult
On the 28th of August Wolfe had recovered sufficiently to call his generals together for a discussion of alternative plans to assault the French and achieve a victory. Three different plans were presented to the Generals. All involved attacking the Beauport redoubts or crossing the ford at Montmorency yet once again. The generals, who did not like the original plans, in the first place firmly rejected these but took time to carefully explain their reasoning.
They pointed out to Wolfe that even if they succeeded and took the heights or managed to fight their way past the Montmorency promontory, they would still have to breech the strong defenses at the St, Charles River just to the east of Quebec. Finally, they suggested that even if they managed that, Montcalm’s reinforcements and supplies would still reach him, “from the ships and magazines above.” (up river from Quebec).
They suggested that a better plan would be to leave his headquarters on the Beauport shore, where Wolfe was now located, and move the bulk of his army well up river past Quebec to the south shore of the river and conduct operations from there. They suggested an area somewhere near Cap Rouge.
The generals argued that with Wolfe’s command of the river, he would then be in a position to cut Montcalm’s links to the west and isolate him from his lifeline of supplies and reinforcements; Montcalm’s forces would be cut off from the rest of the colony and if Amherst arrived in time, their combined armies would constitute an overwhelmingly powerful force well able to capture Quebec and defeat any relieving force from the west. Wolfe saw the merit in their arguments and reluctantly agreed.
Plans were made to accomplish the move, leaving it to Wolfe to decide the time and place of the attack. Sufficient troops were to be left behind to protect their encampments on the Island of Orleans and at Point Levis as well as the batteries on Point Levis. The rest of the army, about 4000 men would be encamp above the River Etchemin, on the south shore, ready to quickly move to the Cap Rouge area.
To keep the French occupied and distracted, the ongoing shelling of Quebec and the guerilla war below Quebec would continue and the Point Levis batteries would be reinforced by the transfer of the guns from Montmorency.
The British Plan is Implemented
Admiral Saunders was brought into the picture. Up until now he had stayed away from the conferences not wishing to interfere in army decisions. His job was to move some 3000 soldiers very quickly up river from Wolfe’s Montmorency encampment to the Island of Orleans and then, as secretly as possible, to the assembly area near the Etchemin River. The troops began to move on August 31st.
Montcalm’s sentries on the Beauport heights detected the movement. It was difficult to hide the pull-out from the Montmorency position. The sounds of big guns noisily crashing through the underbrush and the heavily burdened troops splashing through the water as they climbed aboard their boats was difficult to hide. It was clear to the French that the British were moving back across the river. Governor Vaudreuil’s interpretation of the evacuation was that the grand design to capture Quebec had failed and the British were pulling out. Montcalm had no such delusions.
Brigadier General Townshend was delighted to get away from the unpleasant memories of the Montmorency camp and once more be on the move. He was none too sure of the merits of the new plan but would do his part. Wolfe was out of his bed and back in action. As planned, he ordered Major Scott’s American Rangers and some 1600 men downriver to keep the guerilla war going. They were to remain at the unpleasant task until the end of the campaign.
By September 7th the army’s flatboats (landing craft) had been towed successfully past Quebec’s batteries to anchor off Cap Rouge. The men marched up river along the south shore out of sight of the French and soon some 3600 men were battened down in the transports, frigates and warships while Wolfe and his generals congregated in the Sutherland. Colonel Burrton’s 48th Highlanders were left to guard the batteries at Point Levis and Colonel Carleton with the American Rangers was left to guard the hospital and stores on the Island of Orleans.
There only remained the final planning for the assault down river, the appropriate conditions to put the plan into action and a decision as to where the landing would be made. That would be left to Wolfe. He said nothing.
It was stifling in the boats, hidden as the troops were from observers on the north shore. To make matters worse, a storm blew up and for three days the men had to crouch between the decks of the transports as the rain battered the tarpaulin covered gratings above their heads. On September 9th it was still raining and 1500 of the men were landed on shore to exercise their legs and get some fresh air.
On the 10th, the weather cleared and Wolfe, giving no hint that he had made up his mind where he would make his landing, summoned General Monckton, Admiral Townshend, Admiral Holmes, Major MacKeller, Captain Chads (his small boat expert) and Captain William Delaune on a trip downriver to Gore’s Post No, 2 - located on the south shore just two and a half miles from Quebec.
The officers were asked to wear ordinary trooper’s greatcoats to hide their gold braid. They were seen by a French officer looking through his telescope; who wasn’t fooled because one of the party had left his coat open and his gold “lace” was seen.
Luckily, the French paid no attention because the officers seemed to be planting stakes and marking out a camp site. Strangely, Wolfe still said nothing to his officers as he looked across the river at a rift in the tree-lined precipice that looked to partially conceal a steep path. At the top of the cliff a few tents could be seen. It was a place with a name that would resound in the history. It was “the Anse-aux-Fulons.”
What or who led Wolfe to the Anse-aux- Foulons?
There are two men frequently mentioned as the possible source of information that influenced Wolfe’s choice of this final landing place. One of these was Major Patrick MacKeller (who accompanied Wolfe on expedition just described). MacKeller was Wolfe’s chief engineer and had been captured by the French at Fort Oswego and spent a short time in Quebec in 1757 before being exchanged. He had drawn a map of the town that apparently proved to be somewhat inaccurate.
The other was Captain Robert Stobo of the Virginia Regiment (see Chapter 5), that had volunteered to go as a hostage after Washington’s surrender at Fort Necessity and had spent five years in the town of Quebec. For a number of years he was imprisoned in the Citadel for having drawn and sent a detailed map of Fort Duquesne to Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia while a hostage at that fort. The map had been discovered in General Braddock’s captured baggage when his army had been defeated by the French and Indians and Braddock himself killed.
Stobo was tried and condemned to death as a spy but as France and England were not at war at the time the letter was written, he was eventually released on parole and for much of the time was at liberty to wander about Quebec. Ultimately, after several prior attempts, Stobo and a Lt. Simon Stevens and his family managed to steal a boat and after a number of harrowing adventures, arrived at Fort Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island.
Unfortunately when Stobo and Stevens sailed into the harbour they found the last of Wolfe’s invasion fleet had left just the day before. They identified themselves to the port officer and asked to see the military governor at once. Escorted to the Chateau of St. Louis they were received by Brigadier General Whitmore, and his officers. Their identity was confirmed by several people who knew Stobo by sight and all were intrigued by the stories they told of their escape.
The story of Stobo’s capture at Fort Necessity, his trial and near execution at Quebec was well known to many. A full account of their arrival at Louisbourg and a number of journalist’s interviews was printed in the Boston Post Boy & Advertiser, the Maryland Gazette and other newspapers. One of the articles, a 600-word document, also included his remarks on the location and strength of Quebec’s defenses.
Governor Whitmore lost no time in ordering a formal interrogation of Stobo and Stevens. He assigned Admiral Joseph Douglas, Admiral George Bridges Rodney and Commander James Moore to conduct the inquiry. Stobo went through the whole story from his capture at Fort Necessity to their arrival in Louisbourg. More importantly, he gave an estimate of the numbers of the French Forces at Quebec, listing eight French regular regiments by name. He also estimated the militia strength and gave an assessment of the defense preparations, including the preparation of the French fire ships.
Stevens was interrogated the next day, though less extensively. Both Stobo and Stevenson volunteered to go back up river to place their knowledge at the service of Wolfe. Governor Whitmore lost no time in forwarding the results of the interrogations by express boat to Wolfe as well as copies to William Pitt and to General Amherst at Lake Champlain where he was about to attack Fort Ticonderoga. On June 12th, Stobo and Stevenson were on their way back up the river to join Wolfe.
They arrived back in Wolfe’s camp 26 days later and were accepted by Wolfe as welcome additions to his officer staff. He was impressed with Captain Stobo and thought him to be a very well mannered and knowledgeable officer. He had received Governor Whitmore’s dispatches and knew how valuable and courageous Captain Robert Stobo had proved himself to be.
Stobo’s activities with Wolfe’s forces
When Sir Guy Carleton raided Point-aux-Trembles, Major Stobo was assigned as his guide and led the party that found and destroyed the cash of the French regular’s arms and ammunition (see chapter 8). He was also very popular with the women and children taken prisoner on that raid and helped arrange their return to the French the next day. Stobo was in attendance at the dinner arranged by Wolfe, the evening of their capture and knew some of the ladies quite well.
In the many conversations Stobo had with Wolfe and discussions of the Quebec topography and defenses, it is very likely that every possible river, creek, pathway, trail and cleft along the north bank of the St. Lawrence River would have been discussed.
Even if Wolfe in his many scouting expeditions had not focused on the Anse-aux-Foulons he would have certainly noticed it. Stobo may have caused him to take a closer look at the site. In his memoirs, Stobo did claim to have advised Wolfe that the location might be a possible landing place and that it was lightly guarded. Nobody can say for sure, but it seems a strong possibility. Stobo for some unrecorded reasons was sent by Wolfe to General Amherst with a package of letters a week before the conquest.
The Generals, Admirals & Men get their Marching Orders
It was a good thing the French couldn’t hear the red-coated troops cheering. It was now the 11th of September and they just received their orders to go into action. The orders read to them were brief and to the point, “You will re-board your flatboats (now gathered about the Sutherland) about 9:00 tomorrow evening. Take only your arms and ammunition, and two days supply of food rum and water. Your blankets and tents will follow next day by ship. Extra rum rations will be issued.”
Neither officers nor men were told the place of landing. Only that at the signal of two lanterns at the Sutherland’s main top, the boats would drop down stream at the place selected and would affect a landing.
The orders continued. “The first body that gets ashore will march directly to the enemy and drive them from any little post they may occupy. The officers must be careful that succeeding bodies do not by any mistake fire upon those who go before them. The battalions must form on the upper ground with expedition and be ready to charge whatever presents itself. When the artillery and troops are landed, a corps will be left to secure the landing place while the rest march on and endeavor to bring the French into battle.”
The troops were exhorted to do their duty for King and Country and reminded them what their country expects a determined body of soldiers inured to war, to do against a weak and divided enemy. The troops were inspired and ready to do their duty..
Some Discontent Admirals and Generals confer
The generals were retired to their tent not too happy because they felt that they had a lot of planning and coordination of ship movements to do for the landing and yet had not been told the place of landing. They wrote a letter to Wolfe, signed by General Monckton, General Townshend and James Murray asking that they be informed immediately.
Wolfe responded by scribbling out a note to Monckton saying, “My reason for desiring the honor of your company two days ago to Goreham’s Post was to shew you, as well as the distance would permit, the situation of the enemy and the and the place where I meant they should be attack’d; as you are charged with that duty I shall be pleased to give you all further light and assistance in my powere - The Place is called the Foulon.”
Wolfe then elaborated on the tents they had seen and other key features. General Townshend and Admiral Holmes received similar notes from Wolfe. The others in the party to Goreham’s Post had apparently received more detailed orders because they made no query and seemed to know their duties without further communication.
Holmes was very upset because Wolfe’s notes were dated 8:30 p.m, - just 30 minutes before the troops were to climb aboard their boats. (One can imagine the problems the naval people were confronted with trying to judge the currents and distances in the dark and find a landing place none had been to, let alone coordinate the landings).
As the sun went down Montcalm was inspecting a new gun position on the Beauport shore. In the distance some of the British warships appeared to be moving. It was not particularly unusual because on most nights the British tried to slip upstream past the Quebec guns. The British ships veered in their direction, turned broadside and opened up on targets near Montcalm. Was this the beginning of the British attack? Had Wolfe doubled back?
The alarm trumpets brayed and the French troops ran to occupy their trenches – the attack dwindled and the ships pulled away. The feint had served its purpose. Montcalm felt something was afoot, but what?
Lights in the Rigging – the Historic Journey begins!
While his men settled down in their boats, sipped their rum and water and waited their signal to go Wolfe, dressed in his best uniform and heavy grey greatcoat, grasped his stick and strode on deck. They all heard the muffled roar of the guns downriver - the shelling of Quebec had begun.
The two signal lanterns are lit and hoisted to the main top. It is 11:00 p.m, September 12th; a calm and dark night. The moon is a crescent of silver in the September sky, providing just enough light to make out the dim shapes of the boats as they release their moorings and begin their glide downstream. The current is running at about 4 knots, quite fast and the steersmen have quite a job to keep their flatboats under control.
There are about four miles to go. A mist drifts in over the river and at times the dim lantern on boat ahead seems to wink on and off as it is temporarily blotted from sight.
This first flight of boats of thirty-five boats and a little schooner grandly named the “Terror of France” carried about 1800 men led by Captain Delaune and 24 volunteers. Five transport ships containing their ammunition, tents and supplies are to follow in half and hour.
One hour after the first wave left, General Townshend is to bring his men down the river in the frigate Lowestoft, Squirrel and Seahorse to be landed by the now-empty boats of the first flight. Off Gorham’s Post No. 2, the sloop “Hunter” is anchored in the river with a lantern in her shrouds will act as a marker for the oarsmen in their flatboats directing their turn onto the north shore.
When Townshend’s group is ashore the boats will be rowed back across the river to ferry over the rest of the army including Burton’s from Point Levy and Carleton’s from the Point of Orleans. Admiral Holmes is to supervise naval operations from the Lowestoft while Captain Chads directs the actual landings. All officers are to obey Chads without question.
As the convoy approached the Hunter, Captain Smith of the Hunter is anxious to contact Wolfe because a French deserter had earlier told him that a French convoy from upriver was expected that night. He manages to get the message to him. Wolfe now has a very key piece of information. There are “provision boats” on the river. This information is passed to Captain Simon Frazer of Balmain, one of the few French speakers aboard.
After Chad’s boat reached the Hunter and turned for the north shore and the Foulon, just as he neared the black cape of the Sillery came the first challenge; “Qui vive?”
Frazer responded; “La France! Et vive le Roi!”
“A quel Regiment?”
“De la Reine,” said Frazer in a low voice.
It was a mistake because that regiment was on duty elsewhere but the sentry was apparently satisfied. He ran along the shore shouting to the next post, “lesser les passer. Ils sont nos gens avec les provisions.”
The boats glided on and a second sentry challenged them from the waters edge, “Qui vive?” Frazer replied, “Gens avec les provisions. Tais-tois! Nous serons entendus!”
A few minutes later they swept into the Foulon cove but the current was strong and the sailors could not hold the overladen boats. One by one they were swept past the notch in the Cliffside. They were 500 yards past by the time they managed to get ashore and a bare 175 foot steep rock face loomed overhead. Wolfe’s heart sank. Nevertheless he calmly said to his men nearby, “I don’t think we have the means to get up there, but we must use our best endeavour.”
The boats were beginning to land and the beach was getting crowded. Wolfe ordered Delaune and his men to climb. Although the cliff was covered with soft shale and soggy from the summer rains, there were tree stumps and stunted maples and ash trees for handholds and the men climbed upwards disappearing into the darkness. They were followed by Colonel Howe and two companies of light infantry. Fortunately, there was no shooting from above. It was now 4 a.m. just an hour to go before dawn began its onset. Wolfe waited below. The men were ordered to stay in their boats and keep quiet.
Finally, a challenge from above was heard, “Qui vive?” A shot rang out followed by more shooting, screams and the cursing of struggling men. Then a shout of victory came and Wolfe waved his stick to the men in the boats to get going and make the climb as quickly as possible. The challenge had been answered by Captain Donald MacDonald of the Frazers, a Jacobite who had served in the French army; it stalled the sentry long enough for the first climbers to surround the camp. Most were taken prisoner.
When Wolfe reached the top, Howe’s men were clearing the path up down to the Foulon and soon the troops were making it up the path two abreast. As daylight appeared Wolfe saw the fields of Abraham spread before him and beyond the spires and walls of Quebec.
Montcalm’s Chagrin and Fatal Decision
Montcalm was walking with James Chevalier de Johnstone just five miles away at the Beauport shore when heard the firing of the Samos battery making a weak attack on the British ships at anchor off the Foulon, He thought perhaps the British had spotted the supply convey or was making another diversionary attack. He assumed Bougainville with his troops would handle the situation.
Dawn showed Saunders’s fleet riding peacefully at anchor and it confirmed to him that the British were not going to attack. He dismissed the troops that had stood all night in the trenches and was on his way back to his residence when a rider rode up and excitedly gave him the news that the English had landed. By that time Wolfe had been three hours ashore and Bougainville and his troops were fifteen miles away, unaware of the events.
When Montcalm reached the walls of Quebec and viewed the scene on the plain before him he was stunned. He had expected to see a detachment or landing party of a few regiments but here was an entire army of some 4500 men stretched in two thin red lines for half a mile across the plain - and all staring silently in his direction. His only bitter remark was, “There they stand, where they have no right to be.”
Montcalm knew that after thirteen weeks of containing the British, he had been out maneuvered. Now he would have to fight a formal engagement because he could expect no relief from Montreal. The British fleet blocked the approaches from east and west. Amherst’s forces could arrive any day and his best general, Levy was already fully engaged in holding them. He could try to defend the city but he knew the walls were so weak and there were no embrasures built into the walls, through which to fire the cannon, even if he could move them in time from the Beaufort defenses. He then took the last fatal decision himself. He would attack the British army.
Wolfe’s Preparations for Battle
General Monckton commanded the right of the line and General Murray the left. Webb’s 48th under Colonel Burton was held in reserve. As the British left formed up, the Indians and Canadien sharpshooters shot at them from the woods just over the St. Foy Road. This road ran west to east ran past the town to the St. Charles River. General Howe with his light infantry advanced into the woods with bayonets fixed; the snipers disappeared.
On the right flank by the river top, the British were also being harassed by Canadian and Indian snipers. These too were dealt with.
Wolfe waited while the troops were told to load their muskets will two balls for their first firing at the enemy. That first volley would be vital. Bayonets were fixed and the troops reminded it was their job to stand and wait to receive the enemy’s fire until they were ordered to shoot. They had lots of time to wait and the tension mounted. The artillerymen in the meantime managed to drag two of their cannon onto the battlefield but the carriage of one of them was damaged and being repaired.
Imagine the colour and sights of the various regiments as they take their place. Drums beating as new units arrive. The Fraser Highlanders march on the field, pipes playing, kilts skirling as they join the red coats. We see the sergeants shouting instructions, inspecting kits and ammunition and barking out orders.
There, in front are the colourful standard bearers carrying various regimental colours, the largest flags being the British Union Flag with the red cross of St, George on white and the white cross of St. Andrew on blue superimposed on one another. Imagine too the white and blue of the French regiments and the browns of the habitant militia as they march out the gates of Quebec and slowly form up to face the British.
Montcalm prepares
Montcalm sat on his black horse outside the gates of the town watching as his white-coated regiments passed by and form up across the field facing the British. He knew he could rely on his regulars but he knew his Canadiens and Indians, though in high spirits and straining to attack the British, would be unable to maintain their discipline in the face of trained regular army fire. He therefore decided to put them in the first line to make maximum use of their enthusiasm and back them up with his regulars.
When the battalions of Bearn and Guienne had formed up in the center of the Buttes-a-Neveu and the Languedoc and La Sarre formed up on the right, flanked by the colonial troops from Quebec and Montreal on the left Montcalm rode along the ranks to encourage his troops. “Etes vous prepares mes enfants?” he shouted and his troops cheered “vive notre general! Vive le Roi!” He now had nothing left to do but order the advance.
The Battle
The French broke into a run –“much too fast.” A French officer thought – and the front line began to separate from the troops on the left of their flank, The French regulars trotted stiffly in their buckled shoes while the Indians and Canadiens in their moccasins loped freely.
The English who had been ordered to lie down when they were being sniped at by the Canadiens and Indians, are now back on their feet standing stiffly with their muskets at the ready as the French lines bore down on them. At 130 yards the French line came to a halt and fired a ragged volley. The redcoats groaned and fell and the ranks shuffled sideways as they steeped over the bodies and again closed ranks. “Stand and wait shouted the sergeants!”
The French line shook in confusion. The French line kneeled down to fire and lay down on their sides to reload. The French regulars loaded like the British - standing upright.
The regulars stumbled over the Canadians on the ground, cursed them and tried to kick them out of the way. In the confusion the orderly ranks of the regulars began to break up. Then the French second line fired over and through the first and the confusion grew worse. They were now walking, running or surging with muskets pointed straight ahead, closing the gap between themselves and the British.
Wolfe had ordered that no shot be fired until the French were just 40 yards away.
Many red coated British were killed or wounded but again their lines closed up. As the French came through the smoke of their firing, Wolfe shouted the order to fire and the drummers tapped out the order across the line, “Give Fire!”
Thousands of lead balls flew across those forty yards. Platoon after platoon fired their muskets, and in less than a minute fired again. After the second round they fixed bayonets and waited for the French charge to come through the smoke. None came.
Wolfe signalled the charge. The soldiers ceased loading, fixed bayonets and charged at the barrier of French corpses and struggling wounded. The French right broke first and then the centre. The right of the line held out longest. The Frasers, their blood up, dropped their muskets, drew their broadsword and with their wild highland battle cries went at the French.
The French right broke first, then the sprawling mass in the center, the left held out the longest, supported by the Canadiens lying on the ground. Then the French regular regiments followed in a headlong route.
The sailors in the ships rigging on the St. Lawrence, listening to the sounds of battle, heard the British cheers below at 10:15a.m., just 15 minutes after the French advance began.
Wolfe had led the charge of the Louisbourg Grenadiers holding his wounded stomach while his wounded right wrist dangled uselessly but he was shouting with the rest. He had gone only a few yards when a snipers bullet hit him in the chest. He dropped to his knees and was held upright so that the men would not see that him fall – blood was foaming from his mouth.
Four men carried him to the rear and laid him on the ground calling for a surgeon. Wolfe semi-conscious murmured, “It is needless. It is all over for me.” Grenadier James Anderson opened his waistcoat and found his shirt soaked with blood. “Don’t grieve for me, the general breathed,” I shall be happy in a few minutes, but tell me how goes the battle?” Wolfe then drifted into unconsciousness.
A surgeon came and confirmed what all knew that Wolfe was dying and nothing could be done. A few minutes later there was a great outburst of British cheering. One of his officers shouted; “They run, see how they run!” Wolfe stirred and asked vaguely, “Who run?” An officer said, “Egad sir, they give way everywhere!”
The pale blue eyes opened and he gave one last order: “Go one of you, my lads, to Colonel Burton and tell him to march Webb’s Regiment with all speed down to the Charles River to cut off the retreat of the fugitives from the bridge.” He turned on his side, breathing, “Now God be praised, I will die in peace.”
Montcalm is wounded and Dies
The French also suffered the loss of their leader. Montcalm had received a fatal wound. He was shot through the thigh and groin. He too tried to hide his wounds from the troops and rode his horse until he had to be lifted from it. Just 24 hours after he first saw Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham, he died.
It had been a historic battle, one of the most important in the history if the World. It would have consequences few could have imagined.
Your Host’s Comments
This chapter is far longer than intended. Later it will be separated and the aftermath of the battle will be presented. It is my hope that this adventure story has been as fascinating to you as it has been to me.
I have heavily relied on three texts realizing that it would take years to find the details these authors have so ably researched. I trust I have not distorted the story in any way. Most abbreviations are in the interest of making this important story accurate and in context so that readers can see the whole in one place.
Any errors are mine. Please let me know of them and I will make the necessary corrections.
I trust that those of you that have participated in this adventure will use this series to refute our current crop of historical revisionists be they politicians, radical Quebecoise activists, narrowly focused historians, journalists, museums with a political bent or anyone else that thinks history should be abused and bent for their own selfish agendas.
I think all Americans, British, Canadians, Quebecers and our native people should celebrate the heroism, bravery and struggles of their forefathers and mothers that stood for what they believed in during that era. As a result of the Conquest freedom prevailed and is now being emulated, albeit slowly, all over the world.
I wish to thank my co-author Ken Tellis for his contribution to our earlier efforts and report that his health has improved and he is slowly getting his computer sorted out.
Bibliography
C. P, Stacey, Quebec 1759, The Siege and Battle, published by The Macmillan and Company Ltd., in Toronto in 1959. Colonel Stacey was for some years head of the Canadian Army’s Historical Section and later joined the History Department of the University of Toronto,
Gordon Donaldson, Battle for a Continent, Quebec 1759. Published by Doubleday Canada Limited, in Toronto in 1973. Mr. Donaldson has been a Nazi hunter in post-war Germany, a reporter on Fleet Street, a journalist and foreign correspondent in Washington and a well known TV commentator.
Robert C, Albert, The Most Remarkable Adventures of Major Robert Stobo published by Houghton Mifflin Company Boston in 1965. Mr. Alberts was born in Pittsburgh Pennsylvania. He is a writer by profession and has for more than 20 years been a student of American history. His office interestingly overlooks Fort Duquesne, the scene of some of Major Stobo’s extraordinary adventures.
Other information was verified or found by internet search and other references in my own library. Please ask if you wish to enquire about any particular factual reference.
We will be back to complete the story of the Fall of New France in North America
over the next 12 months. Watch for it.
Ken Tellis is an ex sailor who has traveled the world lived in Quebec and raised a family in the French milieu. Ken can be reached at 
