Settler colonialism is also a specious claim
Settler colonialism is also a specious claim because “Israel is not a colony of any country, nor was it established as one…. Moreover, they [Jews] have ancestral ties to the land. It is the place from which they came, and from which they were exiled.… [I]t is not colonization when those who are driven out of their land return to it.”
Conversely, it needs to be asked whether the ethnic group called the “Palestinian people” deserves special recognition and treatment based on legitimate historical and cultural realities, given that the Palestinians never had a country of their own in the past that was lost or stolen from them.
What history reveals is the “so-called” label attached to Israel by fact-challenged radicals rightly belongs to the Palestinians.
Since the destruction of the second kingdom of Judea (the southern half of the so-called “occupied territories”) in the second century, the land the Roman conquerors re-named Syria Palaestina (to obscure Jewish association with the land of Israel) has been governed by one foreign power after another. The name Syria Palaestina disappeared, and “Palestine,” the Gentile name for the land of Israel, ceased to exist as a separate entity after it became part of the Arab-Muslim empire in 638. For nearly 13 centuries, from 638 to 1917 (when the British took charge following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire headquartered in Turkey), no separate administrative or socio-cultural entity called “Palestine” existed: the Ottoman Turks who ruled the Middle East from 1516 to 1917 regarded the geographical region of Palestine as part of Southern Syria. For most of human history, Palestine has only existed as a Western Christian term to describe the Jewish Holy Land and its Hebrew and Christian inhabitants. From the beginning of recorded history until nearly the present, neither foreigners nor residents recognized a unique people — other than the Jews themselves — called “Palestinians” living in a place called Palestine.
The absence before 1948 of any sense of Palestinian identity, apart from the occupation of lands that were always owned by outsiders such as the Ottoman Turks, is because there is no unique and separate Palestinian language, religion, nationality, or culture. The people who have recently begun calling themselves Palestinians are the Arab Moslem descendants of numerous localized lineages, clans, and tribal groups. A strong sense of pan-Arab identity and belief in Islam, not some fictitious ethnic identity, are what has always united the “Palestinians.”
Throughout human history, whenever the word Palestine was used, it referred to a place in the Middle East whose most distinctive feature was its continuous Jewish occupation. According to nearly all traditional definitions, Palestine is the land of the Jews: the country of the Hebrews; the Holy Land; the Promised Land; the location of Zion. The Jewish people were called Palestinians during the British Mandate (1922-1948). It was the Israeli capture of the West Bank from Jordan in the Six-Day War in 1967, not some ancient sense of nationalism, that gave birth to an organized demand for an autonomous Palestinian state. And it was not until 1988 that the Palestine Liberation Organization declared its aim of creating a Palestinian Arab state separate from the neighbouring Arab states.
It has often been claimed that, like all other peoples, the Palestinians deserve their own state.
But there are thousands of unique ethnic groups today — peoples with distinct languages, cultures, religions, and histories stretching back millennia — few of which have their own country. The Palestinians have a far weaker claim to statehood than most of these age-old ethnicities, including the mostly Muslim Kurds whose 35-50 million people were denied a promised state of their own in 1920 but continue to live in exploited minority status in Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria with hardly a word of outrage from the outside world. The Palestinians, in turn, already have a state of their own — the Kingdom of Jordan — a dictatorship headed by an imported monarchy where they culturally form most of the population and where it is illegal for Jews to live.
The Palestinians and their Arab allies have fought ten wars of extermination against the Jewish state
Is any of this history ever taught in American lecture halls or discussed and debated in graduate student seminars?
Most important of all is the question of whether Palestinian statehood would see an end to violence against Israel following a ceasefire that would maintain Hamas control of Gaza.
The Palestinians and their Arab allies have fought ten wars of extermination against the Jewish state and have conducted hundreds of heinous terrorist attacks against innocent men, women, and children both in Israel and abroad. By legitimizing the claims of a comparatively new ethnic group headed by terrorists, Palestinian statehood would only strengthen the call for Jewish liquidation by protecting it with political sovereignty.
As Moslem Arabs, the Palestinians are part of a larger ethnic collectivity now controlling 22 countries with 98% of the landmass and population of the entire region. If most Israelis were Moslem Arabs, not Westernized Jews, there would be no Middle East conflict. If there were no state of Israel, there would be no demand for a separate Palestinian state or cries about apartheid.
Most of these anti-Israeli demonstrators and slogan shouters know all of this.
The Hamas’ 1998 Charter contains the hadith saying, “The Day of Judgment will not come about until Muslims fight Jews and kill them. Then, the Jews will hide behind rocks and trees, and the rocks and trees will cry out: ‘O Moslem, there is a Jew hiding behind me, come and kill him.’”
The current conflict, now including concerns about the death of Palestinian civilians, has never been about land or other grievances.
The revised 2017 Hamas Charter says, “Resisting the occupation with all means and methods is a legitimate right guaranteed by divine laws and international norms and laws. At the heart of these lies armed resistance, which is regarded as the strategic choice for protecting the principles and the rights of the Palestinian people.”
Polls show most Palestinians support Hamas and its genocidal intentions.
And do not doubt that many college students and professors at leading Western colleges and universities, whether Palestinian or not, are hoping that Hamas achieves all its Nazi-era goals.
Hymie Rubenstein, a retired professor of anthropology at the University of Manitoba, is editor of REAL Indigenous Report.