Meanwhile the ‘Pandemic’ that never was is over, forcing all that promoted it to run for cover
Judi McLeod , Bio and Archives--February 17, 2022
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Imperative above all to remember in the quagmire that Justin Trudeau has left Canada in: Trudeau is not our country—Canada is.
Only a Trust Fund Baby with hopeless Delusions of Grandeur—which Trudeau basically is, would freeze the bank accounts of all enemies—and in the same breath remind all those affected that this will be upon us—“FOREVER!
Long lost in the annals of time is that what is happening right now in Canada is really what began happening when Trudeau threw in with Barack Obama’s Fundamental Transformation of America, extending his takeover to the Fundamental Transformation of Canada."What was not well reported in the American media is that President Obama and his allies were playing in the election to defeat Prime Minister Netanyahu," John McLaughlin, a Republican strategist, said in an interview on John Catsimatidis's "The Cats Roundtable" radio show broadcast Sunday on AM 970 in New York. "There was money moving that included taxpayer U.S. dollars, through non-profit organizations. And there were various liberal groups in the United States that were raising millions to fund a campaign called V15 against Prime Minister Netanyahu," McLaughlin said. "He noted that the effort to oust Netanyahu was guided by former Obama political operative Jeremy Bird, who "set up an Obama for America-like organization in Israel called V15 that was running extremely negative ads against the prime minister." "The ads hurt Netanyahu in the polls, said McLaughlin, who added the Israeli leader rebounded after delivering a speech to Congress early this month, prompting more critical V15 ads."
"OVI's two principal branches are One Voice Israel, headquartered in Tel Aviv, and One Voice Palestine, based in Ramallah and Gaza City. Each of these branches is far more inclined to blame Israel, rather than the Palestinians, for whatever conflicts emerge between the two sides. OV Israel, for instance, derides what it calls the "dangerous levels of apathy, cynicism, and disinterest in the two-state solution among the Israeli public." "While OVI's work is "concentrated in Israel and Palestine," the organization also has branches titled One Voice United States (OVUS) and One Voice Europe (OVE), which engage policymakers, legislators, think tanks, and advocacy organizations in their respective locales. OVUS staff, for instance, maintain regular contact with the White House, the State Department, and Congress. "A key board member of OVI is Faisal Abdul Rauf, the Muslim cleric who sought to build the so-called "Ground Zero Mosque" in New York. And the Movement's "Entertainment Council" includes such luminaries as Jason Alexander, Danny Devito, Joel Fields, Edward Norton, and Brad Pitt. "The aforementioned Peaceworks Foundation (PF)—a recipient of State Department funding and a key financial backer of OVI—came under scrutiny in February 2015 in the aftermath of a January congressional letter suggesting that PF's efforts to help OVI unseat Netanyahu in Israel may have been in violation of U.S. tax law. At issue was the fact that PF's status as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit legally precluded it from engaging in foreign or domestic political campaign activities; thus the Foundation's funding of OVI's anti-Netanyahu efforts were illegal. In response to the congressional letter, PF quickly created a new organization, PeaceWorks Action Inc. (PWA), which was free to spend money—including funds derived from PF—on whatever political matters it wished to support. "OVI is also funded by a host of other foundations, corporations, individuals, and governments—Israeli, Palestinian, and international. Among these funders—or "partners," as One Voice calls them—are the Association of British Muslims, British Muslims for a Secular Democracy, the Christian Muslim Forum, the Ford Foundation, Google, the Nathan Cummings Foundation, the New Israel Fund, the Righteous Persons Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the U.S. State Department, and the William & Flora Hewlett Foundation. For a more comprehensive listing of OVI's funding partners, click here.
"Somewhat more openly, Tom Mulcair's New Democrats have been receiving guidance from Jeremy Bird, who was Mr. Obama's national field director. "Look closely enough, and it is possible to see the influence of those and other prominent Democrats on the Liberals' and NDP's election preparations—just not in the ways one might expect, based on some of the hype about high-tech methods set to be imported. "Insiders from both parties concede that some of the most ambitious techniques from the Obama campaigns—the sort that are said to use advanced data analytics to target messages to individual voters—are not applicable in a country with less money in its political system, stricter privacy laws that limit access to personal information, and a less predictable electorate than one in which voters register to support one of two parties. "As an example of Mr. Bird's input, New Democrats instead point to the "days of action" they have been holding every month or two, in which teams of canvassers talk to voters about a specific policy proposal or issue. Although part of the objective is to collect data about potential supporters, the point is mostly to engage and train volunteers in the hope of having a force ready to roll when the campaign begins in earnest. "The Liberals have been nudged toward more volunteer training as well. And as further evidence of taking advice from the Americans, party sources point to the $3 contributions they have been soliciting from first-time donors—a minuscule amount meant to get people in the habit of giving so that larger amounts can be sought in future. If those do not jump out as revolutionary concepts, that is somewhat the point. Much of what Democratic consultants are preaching is a sort of return to basics for parties that long neglected the painstaking work needed to build national grassroots organizations. "For a time, parties got away with that neglect more easily. Television advertising and other mass communication allowed them to get their messages out. Paid phone banks became a preferred way of identifying supporters and ensuring they voted without too many on-the-ground volunteers. Lax fundraising rules allowed the Liberals to get by mostly on corporate and large individual contributions, and the NDP on union ones. "Today, changing media consumption habits make it increasingly difficult to reach voters through mass communication, people are harder to reach by phone because they have done away with land lines or have caller ID, and corporate, union and large personal donations are banned. So parties and candidates have to work harder and more creatively to capture the attention (and dollars) of an electorate that can more easily tune them out—something that social media and other online tools can help with, but that also requires direct personal contact. "What's been proven is that successful campaigns use an integrated approach to reach voters in one-on-one conversations, whether that's online or on the ground," Mr. Bird says. "This grassroots outreach is hard work and requires a deeper investment." (Ms. O'Malley Dillon did not respond to requests for comment.) "Low levels of civic engagement do not make it easy to get boots on the ground, but this is where the Democrats' experience comes in handy. Granted, Mr. Obama was a once-in-a-lifetime candidate, engaging people who otherwise would have been bystanders. But courtesy of their deeper pockets and other resources, they were also able to test engagement methods, some of which apply in Canada. "In the broader sense, those include empowering volunteers and making them feel part of a community. So the Liberals and New Democrats now have a better sense of how quickly they need to establish personal contact after someone expresses interest in helping; how best to keep that person engaged between (rather than just during) campaigns; how they can make her feel trusted, for instance, by giving her access to their database to enter findings from a canvass rather than just asking her to hand over her clipboards. "More nuanced are recommendations for the wording of e-mails to prospective volunteers and donors to elicit the best response, and how often to ask for help before a saturation point is reached. "And as they encourage Canadian parties to use two versions of most communications to gauge which works better, they can advise what to test. (When fundraising, for example, it is apparently worth checking which dollar amounts work best. Whom the request ostensibly comes from does not make a huge difference.) "As the election draws closer, the parties' focus and the Democrats' advice will shift from organization-building to connecting with the broader electorate. And by no means is that advice limited to the basics. Liberals acknowledge, for instance, that Ms. O'Malley Dillon is helping them use their limited data to make headway on voter analytics, on which they have lagged even by Canadian standards. "But for now at least, the guidance on grassroots mobilization could give the Liberals and New Democrats an advantage, relative to whom they are up against. "The governing Conservatives are not known to be working with veterans of recent campaigns in the United States or elsewhere. Consistently outflanking their rivals on fundraising, they likely do not need help there. But partly in response to a shortage of volunteers at the riding level, their voter outreach in recent campaigns has been heavily centralized—including through reliance on phone banks. "If that approach offers diminishing returns, as even some veterans of Conservative campaigns concede it might, they may wind up behind their rivals in adapting more traditional grassroots activism to the 21st century."The following covers the track record of Obama's campaign team in Canada to date:
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