ICLEI, UN, China et al at work

Someone expressed that with the extensive work by the UN, ICLEI, China, etc., in our schools and for the past 2-3 generations, it might be impossible to rid Canada of this promotion.

I, personally, don’t think so. Do Canadians actually want their liberties removed, their right to vote for more than 1 party, to seek redress in lawful court (yes I know there will be some who push back on that), etc. I don’t believe Canadians want China’s or other nefarious actors undermining our rights and I don’t think the youth of Canada – if they know and understand the facts, want that either.

This is why I bring in National Security as this completely undermines our national security and our entire governance structure, including our constitutional rights…There needs to be communication between the federal MPs, the provincial MPPs/MLAs and the municipal elected officials. Note the document I sent “China’s expanding influence at the United Nations— and how the United States should react.” This basically vindicates the thought process that China has, directly and indirectly, infiltrated our schools, universities, municipal governments, etc., and therefore it is the responsibility of all levels of government to remove this scourge on our society. It won’t be easy but I’m continuing and so should all of our elected officials. The statement from “China’s expanding influence…” should be an extreme wake-up call to everyone…

“While it is incorrect to suggest China was absent from the U.N.’s peace and security work before Xi, China’s traditional focus at the U.N. was on development, economic, and social issues.4 This paralleled China’s domestic priorities. When I traveled to China with Ban Ki-moon in July 2012, the theme of the meetings was almost exclusively development-focused, including China’s development aid to Africa, not seen as so politically significant then as it is now. Two years later, Xi’s September 2015 speech to the United Nations General Assembly — his first — signaled for many listeners (including this writer) a shift.5 Xi’s words suggested that China’s U.N. priorities would expand beyond development to include peace and security matters. Xi announced a $1 billion fund for peace and development, including to support peace and security work, and $100 million to support the African Union’s development of a standby peacekeeping force.

If the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) announced in 2013 was not evidence enough, the General Assembly speech, followed up by Xi’s January 2017 remarks at the World Economic Forum at Davos, underscored China’s more assertive international profile.6 China’s expanding influence in the United Nations Security Council and U.N. peace operations has obvious policy implications for Washington, accustomed to deference within the U.N. on many, though certainly not all, peace and security issues….”

And

“…Much of the American pundit angst about the growing Chinese role2 derives from the fact that four of the 15 U.N. specialized agencies — the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) — are now headed by Chinese nationals…”

“China’s influence in the Security Council is also linked to its relationship with Africa. Especially with South Africa currently on the council, China can usually count on the “A3” — the three rotating African seats on the council (three of the “E10”) — taking China’s positions seriously. China’s commercial and financial relations with Africa play an important part, but it is more than the alleged “economic blackmail” that gets China respect from the African member states represented on the council: Unlike the P3 (with their own colonial baggage), China studiously avoids taking positions on Africa-related peace and security issues that differ from those of the African states themselves.

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Nor does China comment on internal matters or criticize human rights practices, no matter how egregious the violations. China’s assertion that socio-economic development is the ultimate human right (rather than “liberal” freedoms) appeals to many leaders in Africa and beyond. It remains to be seen whether COVID-19 or any “debt regrets” during the coronavirus-induced economic crises will cool the African governments’ feeling that Beijing is more attuned to their concerns and respectful of their positions than the P3.

If a P5 country can deny the adoption of a draft resolution (which requires at least nine affirmative votes out of the 15 total), it can avoid exercising its veto. If China and Russia stay tactically aligned, which seems probable, and are confident of A3 support, they only need one other council member to side with them to block a resolution via abstention, without having to resort to the veto. China also cultivates its relationship with the Non- Aligned Movement (despite the absurdity of mighty China today being considered truly “non-aligned”). Depending on which Non-Aligned countries may be in E10 seats at a given time, China may feel confident of more than Russian and A3 support when it feels its interests are at stake. The P3 and their allies on the council should watch these dynamics warily.13”

In light of this, and with ICLEI, et al, and the UN pushing the UN SDGs with the abuses of our children – it’s time the Canadian public was let in on all of this… because of the growing influence China and Russian (et al) are having with the UN…

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